Radio Miraya
2815: The Roundtable. Inclusivity, Participation and ownership of the Tumaini Consensus
The round table with me, Yaj Karang and today we are discussing inclusivity, participation and ownership of too many consences. South Sudan once again finds itself at the cross-road when the extended period under the agreement cubed, roadmap is left with barely three months from 22 September 2024 to expire. The leaders in the Arctic now are engaged on the ways to shatter our fine from the trap of transition, whereas general citizenry in and outside the countries left speculate the uncertainties of what may happen next. Elections are expected to be conducted in December 2024 and end the series of transitional periods in February 2025, but lack of progress of proprietary activities for the conduct of elections are predictive of the unlikely hotness of elections being conducted as stipulated in the roadmap. A parallel peace initiative commonly known has too many initiatives aimed at resolving the conflict in the country is seemingly stuck with the six protocols initial, with other more and initial while a key party, namely the S.P.L.M.I.O. would draw from the talks. The civil society organization as a stakeholders in the too many initiatives continuously engage the non-political stakeholders in consultation to better inform the too many consensus. South Sudan democratic engagement monitoring and observation program leads the consultation. Why the too many and consultation with non-stakeholders now is the biggest question we are asking in the studio. And in the studio joining us to discuss the topic of inclusivity participation and ownership to many consensus is at Bishop Mosse Dengbold at Bishop of Northern Barriczal and South Sudan Council of Chinese peace envoy to to many initiative. Welcome to the studio Bishop Dengbold. Thank you very much, James. I'm happy to be here. Then we have Lona Mercagie, executive director for South Sudan democratic engagement monitoring and observation program. He's also closely monitoring the too many process and involved at some stage. Civil society organization has just hosted the consultation with non-political actors. Lona, you are welcome to write a right around table. Thank you. Thank you for having us. It's not the first time to have you here, so I will not welcome you very much. You with Jacqueline. Then we have also Jacqueline Naseva, executive director for gender for inclusive governance and peace, peace and justice. Oh, it's also participated in the reasonably conducted workshop on consultation with non-political stakeholders onto many consensus. Welcome to the right around table. Jacqueline. Thank you. As well, you are not, I guess. Now, the biggest question we are asking in this discussion is why to many and consultation with non-political actors now. And before we dive into into into this discussion, let me invite Bishop Bishop Dengbold to tell us what was the rationale of initiating peace talks and to my initiative. And as well, bring us up to update of where we stand now, with too many process for our listeners across the country and beyond. Bishop Dengbold, you are welcome. Thank you very much. As you know, the too many initiative was actually initiated by his excellency, the president, who went to his excellency, the president of Kenya, to ask him to facilitate the domain, to facilitate a dialogue between the government and the whole, our groups, those who did not sign the art access in 2018. Yes. And actually, to my any, is an extension of the room talks. The initiative was started by Sanigidio, but then it was done in Rome and it was not inclusive because Rome is very far. And I believe that is why the president decided to bring it closer so that other stakeholders, South Sudanese stakeholders can join the talks. When I talk of stakeholders, they include the face-based women, the youth, the civil society organizations, the academia, the imminent persons, and in this, in this particular case, the PCC. So we, we were now invited to join the talks, and mainly there were two objectives of these talks. Number one is to, as I said, to bring out the whole, to bring in the whole, our groups so that they can join the peace process in the country. And secondly, is to look at the challenges of the art access. What could be the reason why art access is not being implemented, very little has been implemented for the last six years. So that then can look at how can it be improved, the implementation, because to my any, at the end of the day, will include some kind of art access extension as well. It will be another way of extending art access, but not directly as it is. So there is need for adjustment so that the implementation of the next phase will not be like the previous one. Thank you. Can you tell us where we stand now with too many initiative? Where are we now? Are talks still ongoing? And if they're not ongoing, why and where we are as with the protocols that were an initial? For us at the phase base, we have our bishop who is representing us there. Now I was there, but I left to come and brief the child leaders here in Yuba. Bishop in October has been updating us that now they have finished the implementation matrix and the concerns that were raised by I/O and other groups that were not happy with the too many were now incorporated by the stakeholders, both the political parties and non-political stakeholders. So they have now incorporated them and the delegation of the government has come back to break the government. They are to go and we include the I/O. If they agree with the adjustments that have been made, then they will now prepare for the signing of the agreement whether you're in Yuba or in I/O. It will be decided by the leadership. So finalizing on the implementation matrix presupposes that all initials, I mean all all protocols that were meant to be discussed and agreed on are completed and what is left is just initially an implementation to signing and implementation to go on. Exactly. The first thing is if the I/O is happy with the new adjusted protocols, the aids that were signed, then what will be done first is initially. So that now they are completely initial, then they will now be assembled together including the implementation matrix and modalities and others that are on X including those that were provisions that were not implemented under RXs. They will also be part in the implementation matrix and then now the official signing will be done. So precisely, what is holding back the talks now is the withdrawal of the I/O from the talk. Okay. Lona, can you explain to us precisely what was the rationale or the decision on holding consultation? Your decision to hold consultation with non-political actors must have been informed by your analysis of the agreement and you might have found out that the initial protocols are not informed by citizens' views or else otherwise. Can you let us know what were the gaps that you found as the results of your analysis analyzing the initial protocols and what were the outcomes and what during consultation? Well, thank you very much, Yaj. First and foremost, I want to say that thanks for hosting us because it's important if Tumanyini is indeed hope for South Sudan, South Sudan is the people and we feel that the people must be involved in the process. What is the motivation? My colleague Jacqueline and I were in Nairobi and before that we looked at the first initial protocols and we were struggling to see where exactly to fix the protocols and one of our biggest challenges is that we would like to see continuity. We should build on the gains that have been made but most importantly we should be cognizant of the challenges that are in the country and while in Nairobi we had a very nice time, we engaged with our colleagues, we had robust discussion with our colleagues and in the process of the discussions we did an exercise. We looked at one protocol that was being developed, it's not yet initialed but it's almost ready for initialing and we asked ourselves that if we or if those who are negotiating come to South Sudan, what would be the question that the citizens would ask? Because the pieces for the people and our question number one was people would ask how does this protocol relate to our lives, to making our lives better and that was the protocol on economic reforms. So the question was how would the protocol address the current economic crisis in the country? We struggled and we said what could be missing here and we said perhaps it's the broader look, the broader view of the citizens that might be missing. So that is one thing that we that motivated the consultation and actually during the consultation we were able to extract that particular section and rally the experts, economists among non-political stakeholders to look at it and tell us what would have been the thing that needs to be included in order to address the crisis. We are not sure if it will be implemented but at least included. So that is motivation number one. But number two is that we feel that too many conversation is only happening in Nairobi and within political corridors. Where are the people in it? Any peace process that is negotiated away from the people usually does not have high prospect of success because who will implement it? As is head consultation people were involved to some extent but still there is challenge until today some people do not know what is in our assist and that raises the question of ownership. How do we generate ownership? So our next our second objective is to generate ownership but third objective is to make sure that South Sudanese public intellectuals engage in national processes. That has been missing for a very long time and one glaring gap that we have seen and I've been engaging in South Sudan processes for a very long time and you know I do I only do civil society work full time. One of the things I have realized since independence is that there's mismatch of expertise in this country. Whether it's wherever, name it, you realize that somebody is an engineer is put to head an institution that has nothing to do with engineering. We have an economist that one will be taken to where an engineer is needed. So what we are doing the consultation is setting a foundation that we should start encouraging intellectuals, people with specific competencies to engage and give their expertise for building the country. That's the only way we can build our country and that particular gap needs to be addressed and to my needs and opportunity. So the motivation to exclude the political stakeholders in the consultation was for the reason that all the processes the discussion were done by politicians excluding the non-political stakeholders and so you are providing a platform for the non-political stakeholders to contribute in the discussion. Yes we are providing platform for non-political stakeholders because the political actors consult among themselves and you know where they have their meetings. But how about the people? So my colleague Jacqueline and I actually, Sudemop took lead but the consultation was co-facilitated by Sudemop and CIGPJ. Yeah before I come to Jacqueline on the the key outcomes of the consultation, Ilona is still with you. And now with the people's participation is it clear to you in your mind that whatever outcome of the three days consultation that you held in Crown Hotel we are going to be considered by the sectarian and the parties to the agreement and be incorporated in the economic protocol. Well we you know the buzz word is 'tumani', 'tumani' is hope and in advocacy you have to do your part and continue doing your part persistently. So what we have done is the best we can do for our country is rally the people. We have rallied economists and thanks to those economists they put their knowledge on paper and enhance the text. We have taken the text shared with our colleagues in Nairobi, the non-political stakeholders in Nairobi. We have shared the same text with the mediation. Now the ball is on their court. With the people are saying this should be added for our sake in our peace. If they don't want to add it, we wait and hear. So Ocona to my opinion. Ocona to my ideas. I heard that is because I led to our listeners. Jacqueline, you co-hosted the consultation on with the non-political stakeholders on to my process. What were the key outcomes of the consultation that you did on to many consensus in the workshop? Okay thank you very much Yaj and good morning to all the listeners. The consultations that were done we had three days of the consultations and in these three days we had different groups that were formed and each group worked on thematic areas. We had one area on gender and in that area we are looking at inclusivity of women in the different mechanisms of the domain and where are the gaps that are existing within the current framework and what needs to be done to include more women in the process. This means that every decision-making processes of the mechanisms and the domain process should be inclusive in terms of the context and in terms of moving the processes and the mechanisms forward. The other important aspect is that as Lona said, not many people know about peace processes. You see like most people even don't know still what is in the air access. They know there is an agreement signed but they don't know it and we want to safeguard that, that the domain process as we have seen there is a lot of misinformation, miscommunication around the domain and that means more civic awareness and also sensitization of the public becomes very important and we discussed how can we plan a strategy for civic and awareness resness so that the public is engaged in the process and they are aware of the hope that they are yearning for and they can participate in bringing that hope to life. The other aspect of the domain is in regards to key transitional issues and that includes economic recovery and we had a lengthy discussion on how can we improve our economy, how can we use that to mainly to improve the current economic crisis facing the country and the group worked on the protocol reviewing it and one of the key takeaway is to have a physical federalism where the economy and the revenue resources and collection is devolve and powers is given to the states to manage their revenues and make up for service delivery for the people and I think one of the important thing is that we talked about having a basket pool of fun and this basket pool of fun will be used for coordinating the implementation of the agreement but also to address the needs of the South Sudanese people and we call for a roundtable that we look at the economy in terms of service delivery to the people and also how they too mainly can be able to improve that. We also talked about the use of context analysis and this comes in regards to the intellectuals. We have people who have brains and they can analyze things and what is needed for their country but these brains have not been utilized properly. So we have taken also to see how can we have intellectual discourse in regards to providing context to the too many process and I would like to say that the too many is looking at two outcomes. One of the outcomes is a robust permanent constitution making process where South Sudanese will be engaged in the development of this constitution and then we'll have our permanent constitution and the other one is that we will want to look at an outcome of a credible democratic election and that means we are looking at a democratic transition in which people will have the power to elect their leaders. So these are the two pillars of the too many and as civil society we also are forgetting that security becomes important pillar also and if you look at the already initial protocols you will find that six protocols have been initial and one of it is in regards to security arrangements and it's also looking at issues of armed civilians and communal conflicts. So these are critical things that we all look into and identify where are the gaps and where can we reinforce it and improve the language in the too many. Jacqueline, our artist has been blamed very much of being exclusive of gender and that is gender in this case I'm referring to to female representation and concentration in terms of in terms of ideas and in terms of production of ideas. So how different or how inclusive is too many initiative compared to our artists in terms of representation of women in the production of ideas and in terms of consideration of the underrepresented part of this society that those are women in the ideas. I think issues of women's inclusion in our country is still a challenge including our axis and also in the too many and if you look at the civil society messaging outside there is calling for more representation of women and I could say that before myself and Lana went to Nairobi from the stakeholders we had three women one from academia one from the civil society and one from the women block and from the government side there are two women representatives and then they hold out groups of the opposition head no woman. So that means that in total five yeah in total there are five and still the opposition have no women in their deliberations and representation in the too many. So I could say that although we have included the key aspects of mainstreaming gender by including the 35 percent at least affirmative action in all the mechanisms the challenge is that implementers or those in authority to appoint or overlook these aspects of women's inclusion. So even in the other axis we have the 35 percent women affirmative action but when it comes to the appointment men appoint men and which is the sad reality and this is what we fear also that if we don't put oversight mechanisms to oversee the implementation of this affirmative action and then we are likely to go like the way we are going directly where women's representation has not met the 35 percent. Beside representation how about consideration also because you know there is one thing to be represented yes with 35 percent or whatever the number for the case of too many is five in total is under representation for sure. How about consideration also men in absence of even if the number of women representative in the talks is law men could as well represent I mean consider the women in the ideas and actions. So how is a women representation in consideration in terms of ideas in terms of in terms of cuttering for the needs. I think when we went there as Lorna said we had good working relationship with our stakeholders there and in most of the cases we consult we sit on the table as equal stakeholders and in most cases actually they allow the women to lead and to chair some of these meetings. So the men we had within this they called us their gender sensitive and consider it and also I think our sisters from the government they are also leading these processes and fully engaging in this. What we are saying is that they the number is less and that is something that needs to be taken seriously. So moving forward I will say that we need to see that more women are supported and they are included in these mechanisms. Before I come to Bishop Dengbal on the on the rescue plan I want to ask you also you have talk of the basket full of funds and in the I remember in the RRCs we have a basket called SRF and that SRF is a basket also that to my inner talk about it is in the RRCs and this basket is still empty as we talk now. So how optimistic are you that this basket will be full of funds exactly. Okay what we are seeing in terms of the two minus salvaging what we have failed to implement probably is to have oversight implementation mechanisms and the role of these oversight mechanisms will be to ensure that the funding that is allocated is available to the institutions and also that the the timelines and the the activities or programs that comes within the too many are supported and are being implemented. This is very important so when you look at the reconstruction fund and RRCs this is a fund but here we are looking at a pool of funds that could support all the mechanisms not necessarily looking at a specific funding. So this pool could fund the constitution making it could fund elections it could fund reparations or the transitional justice mechanisms and so forth. So we are looking at something like what we used to have with the Dengbal called the Join Donna Fan. So this one here is going to be the national pool to support the implementation of the piece. All will be the initial funders of this basket doneness or the government. This this process is ours for South Sudan and the government is primarily responsible and I think the partners will also be contributing in supporting this pool. Jacqueline does it not does it not I'm sorry to engage you very much because this is one this this is one of the reasons why why we are hearing from the government and and other stakeholders in the RRCs delaying the implementation and it is important to make it very clear to our listeners. With with with with the with all these funds and for implementation of the constitution making and the other mechanisms of course operating does this one not speak into the the mean the key challenge that we are hearing from the implementers of the RRCs that the mean challenge is the question of fund and if it is that the primary funder of this basket is the government and it is the same government that is being faced by the question of funding that is lacking the implementation of the agreement then how different is is is is it going to work into my any learner you can as well. Yeah thank you thank you very much yes you know when I don't know what was in the minds of South Sudanese when we lined up on ninth ninth January 2011 to be free to be free and do what and run our affairs run affairs with what with money and I think the failure of spending our money for our own development is clear enough everybody knows we are hoping okay to my knee we are hoping that a lesson has been learned we are hoping that government will be able to channel resources into implementation of the two maini initiative the two maini consensus and one thing that we are asking ourselves within our spaces of course we are not the decision makers on the money is that where is the compromise and I think this is a question we need to ask the political actors we have not yet had I personally I haven't had compromise on how they are going to be able to put up a government that is that is working we do not want a situation where the government is accommodating just for the sake of accommodation and at the end of the day some of the people appointed only end up with a title and a v8 but without an office we look for we hope we hope that the two maini consensus will basically help the parties those in government and the holdout because those in government realize that they need the holdout to come back there has to be compromise and our hope is that some of the compromise would mean reducing the positions making institute institutions to be lean not to be so bloated and making them to be practical and that way we will seal the much leakage for resources and the little resources that we have will be channeled to towards the implementation and one thing that I expect the new I don't know how it will be called the tiny government or new article or new what one of the things I expect them to do is after two maini initiative is signed they need to sit down and ask themselves how best do we move forward and where there are places to put money they should be able to put that money there luna is leaving the government to make it lean isn't it the question that those of Bishop dune ball and the rest in the in the two maini initiative were struggling with initially and we saw in the initial protocols it has not gone forward maybe Bishop dune ball will speak into this yeah but before bishop comes in there are so many ways of slimming or having a lean government in south Sudan it's unfortunate that we do not want to think deeper and think critically because when I talk of a lean government I can see lean government in two ways when you talk and this is how how it works in public management you can have the 38 ministries but you don't have redundant stuff if you're interested to accommodate people to have V8s and titles have the 38 ministries 30 35 ministries as they are but don't have bloated stuff where some people are standing we know all of us the four of us plus people out there know that there institutions in this country where some stuff do not have table to sit but they still say there stuff of that institution let go of those ones so that we don't run ourselves into crisis that we have right now we have stayed for over 10 months without paying salary now if we keep expanding are we going to pay salary are we going to facilitate even fewer in the V8s may run out it's not sending some some of the stuff we are talking about to redundancy and what will the angry stomach we speak to you and an angry heart no I think some stuff in in public service I would say and I stand to be corrected by them thank god I'm not there but some of them actually are already redundant they just they are by name but they're doing other things it would even be better for them if they are freed to be able to focus on doing other things and that will then shift our attention to economic growth because then what do we do with this human resource and creativity will come in we need to be a creative nation thank you lona bishop well um so what we think the the the they claim that we are not implementing our access because we don't have funds he's actually a claim of those who are responsible for implementation but for other citizens we think the challenge is in the public finance management he's not even in the bulleted government because this government the money that they are being paid is too little leave alone the fact that they are not being paid even if they were paid the money is too little right now I think an MP in South Sudan is paid about two hundred dollars that's all if you collect that all that money it will not be a lot of money where the problem is is actually in the contracts that are awarded to people by cargoes I have never seen a country where natural resources are awarded to people underground that you will take the these number of cargoes when the oil is produced so it is sold to somebody underground always what happened is the man the the resources are taken to the international market they are sold the money comes back and it goes into the central bank the minister of finance disurbiate it to the ministry so if you have a contract with the minister of education you don't have to go to minister of finance 10,000 of you every day to wait in the line you go to the minister of education they have finance people there they will pay you okay if you have a contract with the minister of roads why do you have to come to minister of finance you don't even go to central bank what take you there the ministry will take the money to the account of the minister of roads then you go to the roads so if you are working on road I would I should find you in the means of road what are you doing in the means of finance means of finance is a disurbuting center it is not the for the for the government institutions for the government institutions not for the contract is what are you going to do there okay so the problem is in the in the public finance management come here if the ever government anywhere in the world is run by three chapters number one celeries number two services number three development how come that we have a road contract when people have not been paid celeries how do you expect I staff who is hungry to go and supervise the road my brother this is logic it doesn't it is my dair signs my dair signs my dair sign so the problem is in the public finance management and that is why those of lona and others are very keen on making sure that they bring our economies so that they make a contribution to this public finance management on to the to my any so that during these interim period at least we begin to adjust the way we have been doing things because we cannot expect to do things the way the same way and we expect different result it will not happen. Bishop this is what Jacqueline earlier referred to a devolution of resources yeah that's mean the devolution of the public management finances management should be done by it should should be not only to the level of the ministries but also the states and downs that beyond all the states well before I have you discussion let me come to Jacqueline I know this question is a joke but I wanted Jacqueline to answer this question before Jacqueline what is your contribution in all these say lona responded to and you know okay I think one of the big issue is how do we become accountable on how we use our resources most of the time parliament summons the ministries and ministry of finance also someone petroleum or someone and all these generating revenue for the country and recently we also got a report that the revenue that is collected is enough to pay people salary how enough is that how it's a figure and where is it the question is where is it if they can pay salary is where is it for the ten months so I could say that how we manage our finances is the challenge and the sad reality is that everybody who learns into an institution is first thinking of how do I get rich and this is where our mismanagement and investment starts so I could say that probably we need to start analyzing our revenue sources say we have natural resources we have minerals and let alone the oil yeah all these can generate for us enough revenue to take us forward the other thing is that the agriculture sector is is still available and people are willing to do funding but insecurities not allowing them to do mass funding so they too many offers an opportunity for us to rethink of how do we really improve our security how do we really improve the way our people being underutilized you know people are farmers they are not utilized people are pastoral is they are just not utilized well so how can we tap into our human resources to become productive so that we can be able to generate more revenue so still I will say that we have the money and we just need to be transparent in the way we manage our money and also in the way the allocations are done and if it is not decentralized you will find that money is allocated for state x and then yes I have my liaison office in juba I can keep the money here and eat and then I will tell the governor we love it for you if you are not allowing us to do whatever want you will dig your hole so we have seen people the moment you are appointed people are already digging your grave you know and then things don't move well so our vetting of our leaders also is very important and this is what we push with pal I mean like all our leaders should be vetted so that we know who is that competent and a person who can be able to be entrusted with our institutions and to deliver the services that is required and in summer I could say government needs to allocate funding and I thank the president for the good gesture to resolve the issue with the holdout groups and also bringing them on board so that they can participate in the development most people we say these people they were they they were part of the problem and they didn't sign their access why are they coming and for me I would say we are all south Sudanese we need to accept ourselves when we go wrong with each other it doesn't mean that we refuse them and I always say if your son is a thief you don't kill your son he still remains your son you know so these are our sons and we say in the Bible I think Bishop is here the prodigal son is back so this should be the spirit we have and we embrace ourselves and we move the country and I will say that our challenge ourselves then is is beyond agreements nation building is beyond the agreements the challenges we have ahead let's not look at them like they are within the agreement but how do we overcome the issue of building our nation and addressing the challenges that are too many not even related to the challenge of agreements the key takeaway is that we are all south Sudanese we need to accept each other thank you very much Jacqueline Bishop I had an obligation I have some opportunities to to to to to be at the talks and interact with a number of you and in in a number of occasions where we have a plenary we have seen it from all the leaders there are parties talking up to my any uh to my initiative as a rescue plan this is this is this is what is taken on by by by by by by by the citizen and citizen are happy welcoming this because it's something coming to rescue you is something that you have you prepare a ground for it to to learn very well so south Sudanese are preparing to to to receive this a rescue plan so is to my any in your perspective bishop beside being beside being clouded by by by by all the the the the the the the the species that's a talk of too many us as initially rescue plan is too many initiative a rescue plan for the country as it is argued do you really believe in it as a shy leader who is ground with the people on the ground with the people do you believe that it is a rescue plan is the only rescue plan that is left for us so and if so how different is it going to be from our arts is because what is what is better must be must must be different from what is not better I don't want to say something bad so how different is it going to be with the with the with the our arts is and and any other agreement that the country has gone through and then lastly is what how do we address this fears of this is kept it that they feel that many is not a rescue plan bishop thank you jameser number one the language of rescue plan is a position language okay the language that has been agreed by all stakeholder's both political and non-political stakeholder's is the to my any consensus the the talks itself is called to my any initiative what was agreed upon which has been initial its consensus all consensus and i like that word very much because as jackie puts it south Sudan is going to be built nation building is actually beyond all disagreements and for it to be built we use two words dialogue and consensus the dialogue is when you share your views of how you want south Sudan to look like i share mind and then we now harmonize them okay this concession when we agree at the end of the day what they the objective is for us to reach a consensus yeah okay so when there were challenges with our access and our access is coming to an end i had generalist like you asking the politician what is the way for what and the first politician i had talking was dr lama call he said we need a political dialogue so that we can come up with a consensus and i believe what the president initiated in irobi is a dialogue actually is is only that it is done outside but it is a dialogue with all our groups here okay and then the aim is to reach consensus that is why it is called to my any consensus so that is the language now is it better yes south Sudan are the end of our access as you are aware was joined by elections and if elections does not work then the next option is unilateral extension by the parties as they did with the roadmap and the third one is this initiative that was done by his excellency the president who is now the to my any consensus which will be another extension but in a different way so if you compare the three in my opinion to my any consensus is better then they are then they then the other two and why is that of course you know elections is not practical because election is not even either process there are things that need to be done before you go into the actual voting and those things have not been done and the time to do them is not there as you know if we are going for elections in December 2024 it may not really be practical in terms of what needs to be done before we go into the voting unilateral extension I said earlier that you cannot be doing the same thing and expect different results what happened with the roadmap what what change did it bring when it was extended for two years the only thing we got from there is a worsening inter-communal violent at the grassroots it is the worsening economic situation where now by the time extension was done and now inflation if you ask economies they will tell you more than 100 percent it's reached 500 action okay 500 percent now you are there so you can see how do you expect if we do unilateral extension now for the next two years I am not an economist but based on my experience I can assure you that one hundred dollar will be between three to five million south Sudanese pound after two years from now because I if we do more extension unilateral by our self by the parties by the article in our issue is that a prophecy that is a prediction based on the analysis is not even a proper prophecy you know if it is prophecy then we are hopeless then let me give you this if you begin now to go and put the milk in your car I can tell you it will not run is that a prophecy no he is based on law there is a law there is our international law put a national law that you must follow if you don't follow I mean you go out here run at 120 and run on the left and then in the afternoon we will bury you whether you pray or you fast because you are not following the law yes we are not following the economic laws there is and and so is a prediction of what will change the situation the economic situation if we do unilateral extension we we have done before and it we end it where we are now so he is actually not a prophecy he is just a practical laws there are laws that you don't break and you expect to get a good result now coming to what what what is the different why why why is it different from unilateral or access the basic different is actually implementation bodies there is not much difference between our access and to my interest it is the implementation bodies in the our access the body that is responsible for implementation is the anti-sea national transitional committee that body will be chained into something called national implementation and oversight commission committee committee we will be headed by the non-political somebody it will be a secretariat okay okay so we hope that as it is a secretariat it will be responsible for making sure that the uh to my inner consensus is implemented the and then what were we are happy with that is that now it will be expanded to include the stakeholders the non-political stakeholders who is us and i have mentioned the least earlier so we will be part of the implementation now we are not part of anti-sea secondly is the national leadership council the national leadership council also we request it that we want to be part of it as well this is the goal is so the fact that there are non-political stakeholders in these bodies make us to believe that the implementation will improve it will not be just like the unilateral extension by the parties alone what is the there was a question about those who are skeptical you said uh what what what what is their concern yeah how do we address their fears and how would we address their fears is simple dialogue if they have uh if they are skeptical they will point out the reason like we have heard from asfia lamayo they said we are concerned about this especially the linkages between to myenia and uh our analysis let them point them out and then we sit with them we dialogue we are the just until we reach consensus deal the way forward for the country okay lona is is is too many really a rescue plan in just in two minutes before we move to jaklin in two minutes again yes i think we are at a crossroad i don't know if we are seeing it but we are at a crossroad and as b-shop has elaborately put out i think to my knee is a rescue plan and the question we need to ask is how different can we do things and i agree with jaklin we are all south Sudanese we need to come back but my message to all the political actors in this country who were there since 2005 2011 and in 2013 we saw what they did and here we are what are you planning to do differently because south Sudanese have waited we have waited and waited i mean south Sudanese but what i'm saying is that the kind of resilience and patience that we have should not be abused further than what has already happened and one one thing that came out very striking in the consultation is a young man raised the issue of of lifestyle audit and i got goosebumps but then when i sat back and reflected actually we do lifestyle audit because in this country we know there are people who whose salaries are very little a hundred dollars others are less than that but they drive vehicles heavy machines and they fuel and they live better lives how do they get their money with three smartphones exactly eight and yes fleshy washes yes expensive watches and the kind of what they wear is just and they are doing you know what else exactly so the question is how how smart are they how did they get that money maybe they need to tell the rest of the south Sudanese to find a way of how to do that so my my hope is that after too many consensus we will sit back and do things differently actually one thing we have requested is that it should not only be the security workshop that happens immediately after signing of the agreement there should be an implementation workshop because we need to ground the consensus agreement and let every entity know what role they are supposed to play thank you thank you very much learning one minute to many is it a rescue plan okay what i would say is that uh to many is looking at the intersection of what programs or what our access has failed to do and looking at what is also holding in the future and how do we strengthen these institutions and strengthen the our access to be able to implement some of the programs that are not implemented and beside provide an oversight mechanism to ensure that these quick move and robust actions that are taken to implement these programs the other one is that to many is also looking at building confidence among the political leaders as you know most of these political leaders some of them are out and even those who are within still they don't have the trust and uh uh confidence to be working together so how do we plant that trust and confidence uh building and i think the space and the dialogue process where we have uh the holdout groups the artygano and uh the the high leadership talking about how do we move the country forward and i think this confidence and trust building is very important and we have seen it when artygano went with the i/o as a block and that is one of the trust building that we are looking into and one more thing is that we are also looking at how can they uh to many uh provide genuine um uh political will uh within the party so that we can move forward Jacqueline i will have to cut this shot uh we have to go for a break and when we come back we will pick up from there uh to all our listeners uh across the country and beyond you will be able to call us on 0 9 29 6 8 6 2 9 7 or 0 9 1 2 0 6 2 9 5 0 and we have been discussing the inclusivity participation and ownership of the too many consensus by uh citizens in the country and in this studio we have Bishop Dan Ball we have who is an envoy to to many initiative South Sudan Council of churches in y2 to many initiative we have Loni Mercadie and we have Jacqueline CY in the studio stay tuned for the next session of this discussion [Music] the round table 101 FM about the nation across the nation radio miraya the round table informative fresh and direct what do the people of South Sudan want they want just any government or they want a government that they feel would represent the kinds of things they need that will bring a sustainable peace here from the experts policy makers and major stakeholders about trending national issues around you on the round table ideas are served this is one allow me allow me join the experts as they discuss national issues and how they affect you they don't want to go back to war we don't want to go back the round table every Saturday from 8 to 10 in the morning with a repeat on Sundays from 6 to 8 p.m. or the way you are the round table get ready to spice up your weekend please on the weekend mix every Saturday we bring you a blend of weekend vibes catch up all the local regional and international sport action music culture on arts enjoy fresh and upcoming hits the weekend makes showcases the best of South Sudan's talent and culture international music don't miss out on the fun weekend makes on your weekend bliss the weekend makes every Saturday afternoon from three to six on miraya the voice of peace so he hit up three in the cooler and war with our head metal in seine our moosa that mejani and we struggle in seine my fruit miss a luaia haja well i had the gins oh i had a ten if you mocha bit in yamala moosa the insanity i'll be stuck at three mejani in seine 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