Radio Miraya
2677: Roundtable: Is inter-party dialogue the best possible Strategy to end the Transition
[Music] The round table. A very warm welcome to Radimaria round table with me, Yajkaran. Today we are asking a question and the question that is in discussion with the panel here in the studio. The question is, is Interparty Dialogue the best possible strategy to end the transitional period in South Sudan? In August 2022, the parties to the R-Artsis as unanimously agreed to extend the transitional period for two years ending in February 2025. The transitional period, accordingly, is to end in a national elections in December 2024. The rationale for extension was to allow for the completion of some benchmarks in the sequence of critical activities to be completed during transitional period. As they count down to December 2024 draws near, the parties are publicly divided as to whether the roadmap ends in its national logical conclusion or abscones some of these benchmarks and aim at conducting elections. The disagreement on completion of what are considered prerequisites for the conduct of elections is worrisome to citizens and observers alike. It is critically important that the parties to the agreement convene an Interparty Dialogue to amicably harmonize their position and give the citizens opportunity to exercise the democratic rights to elections and self-governance. Now is the right time an Interparty that Interparty Dialogue is more needed so that the parties harmonize their position and reassure the citizen of peaceful and democratic ending of the transitional period. So, its stakeholders, also in its stakeholders perspective, its Interparty Dialogue, feasible strategy to harmonize the diversion views on manner of ending the transitional period. Hellebaz, to understand these questions in this panel today, we have Honorable Angelina Tan, Minister of Interior and Senior, as well as I remember Honorable Mafrugalek for near appointment. It is the first time to meet you after your appointment and welcome to the radio, Radio Mariah Stidio. Thank you very much. Thank you listeners of Mariah. Then we have who is likely to be on the way. He is Honorable Albino Akolatak, the Minister of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management and he is the S.G. of the A.N.C. and is a spokesperson of OPP. He will join us shortly hopefully. Then we have Honorable Bol Mafrugalek, S.P.L.M. National Secretary for External Affairs, is a senior S.P.L.M. member of the Secretariat. Welcome to the Studio Honorable Bol Mafrugalek. Thank you Radio Mariah and listeners. Then of course we have our sister, well known civil activities and he is Jacqueline Siwa Executive Director for Center for Inclusive Governance Peace and Justice. Welcome Molana. I am using it loosely. Welcome to the Studio Honorable Angelina. The S.P.L.M. IO categorically stated in its position paper that was released and signed by the chairperson of the S.P.L.M. and that was followed by a press conference that was held by the deputy chair and who is the first deputy speaker in RTNLA. And the position says that the S.P.L.M. IO won't be participating in the plan elections December 2024. Simply because there are some of these conditions according to the S.P.L.M. IO and according as it argues, that is according to the agreement to that need to be accomplished. And so what are these conditions according to for the sake of our listeners and such that it is a citizen generally and whether is there anything that the S.P.L.M. IO can compromise? Thank you very much. Thank you Gran for having me this morning and all of us here and I want to actually greet the memorial listeners. I have not been here for a while and I really miss you. We miss you too. Number two, I really want to put something correct something like Gran just just said. The position of IO we never said would not be a party to or participate in an election. We said an election of December 2024 is not feasible. Not feasible for a number of reasons as you ask the question. You know the roadmap was an extension an extension whereby the timelines of the implementation of the agreements were revised because we failed to undertake a very critical task of our axis. During that pre-transition and the agreement was going to crash so we had to come up as parties to say okay we must extend so that we can implement this critical task. Now we extended and the roadmap was signed and this was a gentlemen's agreement between the parties we did not even include any third party. Our international partners were very apprehensive about this but we stuck our neck out and we said okay we need to because the agreement itself addresses the root causes of the conflict. And really it is not possible for us to move forward and take carry on the root causes to the next phase because the next phase is supposed to be a permanent arrangement of power transfer of having a permanent concentration of all this that the risk for any opportunity of reverting to violence would have been maybe not totally eliminated but drastically reduced and whatever areas of risk remain can be managed. Now again we started the implementation of the roadmap and again we failed to address the critical task. The critical task they include the completion of the unification of forces and implementation of chapter two of the agreement which is about security. Transitional security arrangement. Why do you have to complete that? You have to complete it because as we speak now we have unified the necessary force, the necessary force was supposed to have been completed in the pre-transition in the first phase. In the first eight months yeah and it has dropped on for another almost five years, four years and so on. So the bulk of the forces are still out there, they are out there, the SSPDF is still standing alone, the I/O has the forces that stands alone in the containment areas and the containment assembly and so on. Then you also go to the other forces that are within soil, there are a number of parties in soil that also have armed forces are still standing alone. So now can you envision an election whereby you have all these forces that are out there that are not being brought under one single command as per the agreement because the agreement says the unification must be complete and all combatants, all combatants must be accounted for and unified and become under one command who will be the President of the Assembly. Now that situation still remains as it is. We see this as a very great risk and it would actually be very very dangerous for people to go to election in such a condition. The other critical task is the constitution. You have to remember that we are ending transition and we are going to a permanent arrangement. We agreed in the agreement and there are access that there will be a process that will be undertaken, that is in chapter six, which is the constitution making process. And the discussion of the constitution during the agreement, we have identified that actually this constitution has been a divisive matter since before independence. You would recall people disagreed, many different versions of constitutions were presented when we are moving on to now from interim to transition and so on. So it means you have different schools of thoughts that can contribute or is actually part of the problem. So therefore it was agreed that there would be a permanent constitution and this permanent constitution would actually give you the legal framework and guide the election and so on. So now when we agreed on the roadmap, the timelines of the roadmap, the indicator or the threshold was determined by how long it would take to complete the constitution. Now we are just starting this process because the neck was just reconstituted recently. So this is another critical task. There are a number of other. Of course, that includes census, return of refugees and so forth. Now with all these things, especially with the security and the constitution making the constitution critical being critical for the transition. Now you said you corrected the position that Espelomio is not against elections. It says it will participate in elections, but the current elections that are planned for 2024, December 24, are not feasible because of the reasons that you have given. And many more years are stated in the position paper. Now the next question before I come to Honorable Ball is among all that you have mentioned and few that you have not mentioned. Is there anything can Espelom compromise or can make an arrangement alternate because all these things when there is the will to do them, then definitely that can still be done. You can agree. Are parties ready to agree? Are you in dialogue? Can you listen to the Espelom? Can you listen to SOAT? Can you listen to OPP? And maybe say, okay, let us put this thing aside. Let's proceed the way you agreed in the roadmap. Now actually the reason why we had to put the paper out is because we have been trying and trying calling for our partner IG, let us talk, let us talk, let us talk. You know this election that is being announced, it needs to be discussed because there are a number of issues that are unaddressed. When that kept falling on deaf ears, then we decided to put a position out. And we are very glad now that actually the consensus is that, okay, parties must sit, parties must discuss, parties must reach consensus and parties must find a way forward and a way out. This is a very welcome progress. Let me call it progress. It's a very welcome progress. And we are ready to sit and discuss. With that, having said that, the agreement itself, what I/O is after is a sustainable arrangement. A sustainable arrangement that would ensure that this country does not flip that into crisis number one. And that can be only achieved through a peaceful, credible process of election so that our people don't have doubts to say, oh, we did not elect these people. They have been foul play and this and that. Thank you. So, Honorable Bol Moquing, you have listened to Minister Angelina, and especially on the position of the S.P.L.M. I/O and the progress that she has just mentioned. And see what shuttly will tell us that civil society organizations are the one championing this thing. The S.P.L.M. allows me to use I.G.E. I know you don't like that word, but allow me to, I want to take permission. The S.P.L.M.I.E abundantly argues that the elections must be conducted in the same way in order to allow the South Sudan to elect that government. And then those other and accomplished activities that Honorable Angelina mentioned can be then afterwards. So, how workable is this session given that the free and fair elections are argued by Honorable Angelina, it depends very much on some issues that include funding security, inclusivity that take into consideration the refugees and I.D.P.s and so forth. So, shuttly tell us about the position of the S.P.L.M. I/O and plot others on the peace agreement. Thank you Radio Mariah and also my dear listeners. In fact, the S.P.L.M. is taking this position from a well-informed level of understanding. P.S.T. is the demand of the people of South Sudan. We are not here by ourselves. We are here representing people of South Sudan. And if the people of South Sudan want elections, and this is the request, we go for it. First, we are elected into it, into the government. But the fact that we have been continuing with our elections, we are not comfortable with that. Because the people must renew the choice of leadership. There have been two reports. One was in the University of Yuba. We were conducted by NGOs and Honorable Minsa was there. And it was particularly mentioned that over 80 to 90 percent of the people of South Sudan want people to go for elections. Whether these people have completed this, what they are working on as an agreement or not, they have to go for elections. So that it is not permanent. It is not a permanent president, it is not a permanent president. Others can come and deal and continue. That was done. Recently, two days ago, the same civil society brought another report. We were saying majority of people of South Sudan, they won elections, regardless of whatever reservations from people may have. And this is the report we are having now. And it is actually saying what I am saying. This will put an aim to anarchy and violence as a means of accurately accessing power in the country. And as we come, the protocols that were in the agreement over 90 percent to the best of my knowledge actually have been accomplished. For instance, the government has been formed at all levels, from national to the state levels. I don't need to elaborate and it is actually self-explanatory. Security arraignments. Security arraignments was delayed specifically by the policies of IO joining the control areas. And when they came, one, they came pregnant women, old people, no guns. You can see the paradox. And also, if soldiers come, over 90 percent are officers. So it was a difficult situation really to make them proportional soldiers. Nevertheless, people overcame the situation. Again, deployment of the training. We are having a Trojan horse within us. We are being sanctioned. Arms were not brought to be given. You cannot train soldiers and deploy them without arms. And also, people are preparing that we should not be given. Arms were also within us. But we also ignored that part. We trained people. We deployed them. When we requested for officers to be brought the lease of officers by the leader of IO, we were not able to get this lease for quite a long time. So, all the delay, in fact, was just because of this kind of practice. Okay, the infrastructure for elections has already been established. We have the election commission in place. Also, the political parties council is in place. And then we come to some of the issues which are built as contentious, the census issue. You know, census is not only for elections. It is for a variety of things, including economic development and other things and planning. But it is not a requirement as such. And specifically, if we have already have records of what this country, we are not starting from this country. We have an interim constitution. We have also the census of 2008, which the experts have advised us that this still can be used. We can use all the constituencies, the old boundaries, and we go for elections. So, this one is not holding what are no longer, but some of our colleagues still hold to it as an issue, but this is not really a big problem. There are 10 rupees. You know, there are 10 rupees is a boundary thing. It is there to feel comfortable that they are safe. They can come back. But the practice with rupees, as you may see, even the rupees of Kenya before some of you here were born in 1960s, they went to neighboring countries. Some never attend. In fact, there are several rupees. When we had had a disababa agreement, we had CPA, but they did not come. And also, during the war, the S family struggled. We had rupees in Kakumakam. Kakumakam has never been closed down until today. People are still there. They come and go. They come and go. With our brothers and sisters, who are now in the POCs here inside the country, they are being pre. They come and get our passports and they travel. I don't know which UN convention allows the rupees to come and take the passports of their countries, and they go over the well-attending treatment here, and then they come back. So, we are not saying that rupees should be excluded. It is our desire that they need to be a part and parcel for them to return. He did not say something about the hybrid cause. The hybrid cause is also like the constitution making. These are our ongoing things. We are not saying that we are completing all the problems of this country today, and then we lock them. No. They are always there. Constituent making is a process. Let us take the cause. We are in-between Kaden face kind of. Some refer to the constitution of the UN, which has this opening that we hold the truth to be self-evident, like capable, and they apply to our context. And of course, they are right. But the constitution of the USA is actually changing. There were times when black people were not voting. There were times when it has changed, but now Obama has become president. And that is what the constitution is all about. It is dynamic. So, we already have an interim constitution. We are not starting from the screech. And that interim constitution is relevant in solving our problems, really. And we can use it, and we can go ahead with it. So, Bol Madam Angelina mentioned a few of the things that I want you to remind to, and maybe pay attention to this. She said there are forces outside that including forces that were ICE and Espela Magi, and they are now SSPDF. There are forces outside and I/O, and there are forces outside and so many others, regardless to mention the whole out groups. These forces are not part of the necessary unified forces. And according to Haragumin, these forces present election security, elections where to happen based on your argument. What is your take on this matter? Because, if beside guns being readily available, and Madam Angelina is going to tell us later on as somebody in charge of this docket. Beside guns, these guns in the hands of civilians, when elections are conducted, election temperaments and all these things, and the excitement that comes with annoyance that comes with it, and all these things, somebody has a tool to use here to harm others. Do you think elections, 24 elections are going to be secured? In fact, first of all, it is good you have reminded me on that. You see, the forces that are outside there are an off-shoot of the I/O, and they are explaining the groups that actually are not paying allegiance. Some of, I don't know whether the comrade Honorable Minster will be able to say that, yes, they are under us, we can tell them come today. They have rebelled and they know them. Where is their command, their chip of staff? Who is commanding big bulk of forces? And where is he? Is he still under them? And if they are still having that, then there is a deception to the agreement, because already, these people, when they were asked about this, they say no, no, these people are rebelled, they have rebelled against them, they are not listening to us. And who is to talk to them now, according to this question, which has been posed? Because most of the challenges to the agreement, in fact, it's not that there is nothing that has been implemented in terms of the agreement, it is actually the I/O becoming like an HIV virus mututing from level to level each time. And this is one of the problems we are facing in the country here, because today, they are asked tomorrow, in fact, they take up guns tomorrow, they go and split them in and fight themselves. So with this situation, with this message, as you call it, our elections are going to be secure, and in there, what is their strategy? Elections will be secure. Let me tell you, I don't know whether you, in the region here, elections have been conducted in the DRC, and you know what is happening in the DRC, there is no agreement that they are successful, and that government is legitimate. Elections were conducted in Ethiopia, they know that part of Ethiopia, they were not there, part of it. And I can mention many examples. For us here, I thought that the love of this country would be the driving force. And that we say, in fact, maybe as the 90% of the people of South Sudan are interested to have elections, it's better that people go for elections, and then there will be now a legitimate government that will be even, because we are having a lot of divergence, we are addressing issues of a big number of government officials where we have about six presidents, the president and his five biases, who are dumbens by themselves. So we have a streamlined government, the Democratic Party will bring, and in fact, we can manage that. So I don't see really any problem. I'll come back to you, and maybe after Honor Walangelina is one. But let me come to Molana in the Siwa. Jacqueline, this week, I think, between on 20th, 19th, 20th, and 21st, is civil society organization or forum facilitated a workshop that tried to advance this concept of dialogue among the parties, in the parties' dialogues. So having listened to the two parties now that are here, the key principles, we call them, with all these, what is the civil society entry year, and how successful is this going to be, especially the question of bringing them together, so that they can sit down the way we are seated here in the studio, they can dialogue, agree, and maybe harmonize their position and move forward. They have been asking for these dialogues many times, but the dialogue hit the whole. So what is your entry point as civil society organization? Okay, thank you, Yaj, and good morning to Mirai Ali Senas and to my colleagues in the studio. The civil society forum helped the conference that brought together civil society actors from all over the states and the three administrative areas, and we also had political leaders, like in the presence of Honorable Paul McCoy, who is here with us, and Honorable Angelina, they were also there in the conference. And we also had faith-based leaders, and we had stakeholders from the Garantas and also from within South Sudan. So in this conference, we deliberated on a number of issues, and one of the issues include the conduct of elections. And we noted that since the CPA time, we are now 20 years, and also from independence, we are 13 years, and we also had the R-axis, which is being implemented for the last, maybe I could say, now eight years, probably, from the time of the crisis. Yeah, so this process had been in a state of stagnant implementation, I could say. And the last roadmap extension indicated that there were only 27% being implemented of the peace agreement. And yes, South Sudan is one to go for elections, but there is this question of the bad, what type of elections are we going for? And are we prepared to hold elections, and the fear of security is also there? So I think this brings us to the importance of having a political dialogue. And I think we support this political dialogue to be held as soon as possible, because political consensus is required on key issues that may help us to end the transition peacefully. And I think when we deliberated, we identified quite a number of issues that require political consensus by the leaders. And also to also include other political parties who are not stakeholders to the peace agreement, and even including representatives of the citizens. And I would say civil society to be part of these discussions that could pave the way forward for the country. And these issues included the constitutional matters that could address issues of elections. And I think this includes the issues of constituencies. And I think our vulnerable, Baldwin mentioned, should we go with the 2010 constituencies, or we come with a new constituencies. And I think this is so because we also have the current number of the members of parliament is high, including the Council of States and also at the state level. So if we are going by 2010, what is the implication? And I think this require political discussion so that we can also reach a way forward. We may be thinking about the national level, but the impact on the ground will also be felt probably. It requires consensus on how we move forward on that. There is the system of governance also that we need to discuss. And South Sudan is based on a federal system of governance, which is in our constitution. And also there are access underscore that. And until now, we have not yet discussed what type of a federal state do we want to adopt. And that means we need to see, do we discuss this now, or we push it to the constitution process. There is a question of whether we can go for elections with the current constitution, or we need to have an elected government that will adopt the constitution. And I think this requires also political consensus, but the constitution is very critical in these issues that I mentioned, including constituency system. And also the positions to be elected. We have had discussions about us, like the propositions that say let's go for election of the presidency and then govern us. And the position of the assembly will wait. But also there is this question of separation of powers and also the three pillars of the government. They need to be functioning concurrently to play the role of checks and balances. The issue of term limit is also important. How regular do we hold elections? And for how long should some positions be reelected? And I think these are critical things that require a constitution to answer, and our current transitional constitution does not answer that. We also look into the role of the electoral commission, and until now the electoral commission is not having the funding in the account. And if we are to go for elections, it requires some kind of processes and preparations for this to be done. And we have known our terrain in South Sudan. We also are faced with issues of weather. And the states also need to be strengthened, and probably the state offices for elections need to be open and functional for them to be able to do this. So if we look at the timeline for now, these critical constitutional matters may also require some kind of consensus so that we can discuss how we move forward. On the issue of the electoral security, I think this is very important that we need to really look at unification of the forces before elections. And I think the parties need to agree on how they can approach this. When we held the conference, there was a discussion, and I think one of the panelists raised an important thing that the parties need to agree on. Those who are having both military and, I could say, movement wing, what is required for them to do the registration. And I think from the political party leadership that they need to denounce the military wing. And I think this is also attached to how far the, say, the containment processes, the training, the unification, and the disarmament processes are going. And electoral security is very important for us. And I think most citizens, including myself, are worried that if we go for elections without one army, and then we are not helping to resolve the issues that's terminated from the violence that we are facing. We are cutting forward from now. Yes, Naseva. Your fierce civil society organizations are out there. You have laid them out, and you have argued them. What I would want to know, and maybe our listeners, is that what leverage do you have over the political parties? In trying, if the way they will listen to you and sit down and dialogue, there's one too. Your concern is about election security as South Sudan is generally, including political parties, is in place. And so if you fear election security, given the time that is left now for election, the same by elections, given the resources issues that we have in the country, we are struggling, given the other things that are critical, as you have said, for elections. So what is the position of civil society organizations as things stand now? Elections in December, or no elections in December? If. I think we deliberated a lot on this, and for us we are not saying that elections cannot be held, but we are saying we are not ready for elections. And that means that we need to give time frame for these technical institutions that hold elections to prepare proper for these elections. And therefore our position as civil society is that let us delay elections from 2024 December to a period. And the period we were discussing in most of our strategy engagement is looking at 12 months from now that we can be able to make. From now, from now, that we can be able to do this and that and that, and then electoral calendar comes out and elections can be held. So we are asking for a push ahead, so that most of these critical things and the consensus building can also pave way on what is agreed upon on how we can transition and hold elections. And then from there, the electoral institutions will be able to carry forward. And even in the discussions, we also had the electoral commission chairperson. And some of the things they say they require the parties to reach consensus and agree, and for them as the electoral institutions, the neck, they can be able to move things forward. That means they also have critical issues that require the political stakeholders to reach consensus on. With you requesting maybe for one year extension from now likely to be maybe April next year is one you would want elections to happen for this thing to happen. How different is the situation going to be, for the last five or six years, you have been working on these issues as civil society organizations for the parties to sit down and move the things ahead. So the elections are conducted, timely and transitions happen. This has not happened for the last six years. What make you believe a civil society organization that it is going to happen in the next one year that you request for? One, two, what leverage again they say to repeat myself, what leverage do you have that the parties can have, can sit down and listen to you and dialogue? I think on the question of the leverage, I would say that civil society have the leverage because we have been holding these dialogues and also doing consultations with these parties. And civil society is also part of the signatories to these are axes. That means that we sit in the art game, we sit in sit-sum and also in some of the peace mechanisms. That gives us an opportunity to also push for some of these issues within those mechanisms. I could say that civil society initially was actually hesitant about the roadmap extension because of the same reasons like, okay, if we give you time, will you be able to implement? And we have seen that the roadmap still faces the same challenge. And this time we ask ourselves, okay, without the peace agreement, assuming, and also done is a democratic country and we are going for elections. What is required for these elections to be held? And our discussions is centered around those issues that if today we are going for elections, what is required? These things are required. Whether there's peace agreement that talks about it or peace agreement that doesn't talk about it, these things are required. And therefore, civil society, we drew our conclusion based on the technical aspect of elections that is required to support these institutions to hold credible, free and fair. Peaceful elections. Thank you very much. Honorable Angelina, you have been waiting patiently and here is a time to respond to what the colleagues said in the studio. But I want us to tell us more about election security and still tell us if there is a way, we have begun the dialogue. This is the dialogue. If there is a way that you can talk to your partner here in the studio and beyond that let agree on these things to move things forward or agree together. Whether the extension as well, because in the position paper, I mean, and I stand to be corrected again, as well, my opposition is that extension is the only feasible things. And so with all this, what is your tip? First of all, let me thank you again. But I want to also advise my colleague from the SBLM that please refrain from using offensive words. SBLM I/O is not a virus. It is not acceptable by any standard. And we are starting now campaign for election and we must confine ourselves to criticism that is constructive. This is my first statement. Number two, there have been a lot of things that my colleague here have said and I started to wonder, does the SBLM I/O subscribe to the agreement really? Because some of the statements are clearly saying that this agreement doesn't matter. This agreement was signed and negotiated by us. And in the agreement, let me start with if you go for an election. Does this mean that you operate the agreement? The election is one cornerstone. So if you talk about, you said something about a logical conclusion, that was your statement, to bring the roadmap to the logical conclusion. And the logical conclusion would be that you have implemented all the critical aspects of the roadmap. Then you come to the final stage of it. So that would be the logical conclusion. Now, you have very critical areas and my colleague from single society has mentioned a lot of the critical issues and one of which is the security environment. And this brings me to speak about the implementation of Chapter Two. Chapter Two, if my colleague said that it's only the splinter groups of the I/O that are out from the unification, and of course that is not true, everybody knows that, all the forces, because the agreement says all the forces are to be unified. So if you have some SSPDF that are not yet part of the unified force, if you have some I/O that are not yet part of the force, if you have some of the sort of group, and not to mention the other groups that are outside the agreement, run signatories, then this is important to recognize. Now, there is something called the JDB in the agreement. This JDB is the body that was put by the agreement to see to it that these forces are under command for this critical period before the full unification of the forces. So if my colleague from SBAM does not recognize that, then there is an issue, because it means it doesn't recognize Chapter Two of the agreement. So I think it needs to be recognized. Number three, what he said about is the I/O that is hindering the completion of the completion of the unification, and of course, that's false, because we all know the issue of the resources who hold the pen for the resources to be released for the implementation of the transition skills, the arrangement, unification, training, and all of that. I/O does not hold the pen, but it has been recognized, and we all know that it was the resources that have, up to now, the reason why we are unable to even commence Phase Two of the Unifications is because we are unable to actually bring together the logistics, the food logistics and other logistics that are needed for these forces to move from barracks and con tournaments to move into the training centers and so on. I am part of the implementation of this agreement. The issue of the deployment, even the forces that have just been deployed, is only the army. So you still have the other organized forces that have not been deployed. And the issue of resources is also featured in why this deployment is not done. Now, we also have to recognize that there have been an issue of the unification of the middle action of the organized forces. The top action has been unified. The bottom one has been unified in the training centers, and that's why we are able to deploy them in that manner. But the middle action has not yet been unified because there has been an issue of the structures and this is before the principles. They have been discussing it, it has nothing to do with the list or not list. So I am speaking as somebody who is involved directly in the implementation process. Now, the census, the agreement is very clear. Leave alone the technical need for it, because it is needed for geography. If you have to talk about your geographical constituencies for the representation of people, you need your census. You need your census, already if I quote the share of the Bureau of Statistics, he said he was asked whether an election can be done without census, and he was asked to put out options. And he said before I make my option, we as a Bureau of Statistics, we don't subscribe to any of the positions that we are, we don't support any of the proposals that we are giving. We are giving this for the political leadership to actually take decisions on. So it would be unfair to also put this technical institution as though they are having a site. They are saying basically, we will give you options, but you need political decision. You make political decision through a dialogue. And this is very critical, it came from all the heads of this technical institution. Now, let me go to the security, the election security. This is very critical. And for you, we talk about a conducive environment for election. A conducive environment begins with security. What do people fear during elections? During election people fear lack of freedom for people to express, campaign, associate, make rallies, make meeting and so on and so forth. So we have to remove this to make sure that our legal frameworks in the security sector are in compliance with what we call the freedom of expression. That people will not be apprehended because they spoke or they said something and so on and so forth. Now, this environment now, as we speak, we still have issues. For example, and I discussed this in the forum the other time, the issue of who should be able to arrest. We should have this power of arrest is a prerogative of the police because there is a process attached to it. When you arrest somebody, somebody, the police will tell you you're right. You have a right to an attorney, you have a right to this, your family will be called and there's a bit. But if the national security arrests you, do you have all those rights? How can you ensure those rights? How can you ensure that you will be taken to court and all of this? And during elections you will have a lot of people who will try to use this state power in order to further themselves and deter others. So there are a number of things. One critical thing is the forces that are out there, the one that I talk about. You need to have all the forces. Nobody should have a command of any force that they can tell them to do something during this election outside the system that is created and that is given to us by the agreement, the normal dispensation of security, provision, anywhere. This is very critical. Then there are a number of other things. Security sector, especially the police, which is tasked for the provision and the Ministry of Interior of Security during the election is as a key role to play to create that conducive environment for the election to be peaceful. With all these issues, the issues of resources you have mentioned, the issues of the political will, as you mentioned, what is the way forward in all these things? Because the civil society and the citizen would, one from you as politician and parties to the agreement, is has to move out of this trap. Is it possible that, just in one in two minutes, what is the strategy of moving out of this trap? You are part of the government and you refer to somebody, you ask a question, who holds a pain for a sources? Part of the government, the Ministry of Finance is located to the SPLM IEA. The Deputy Minister is an SPLM I/O. And so, as part of the agreement, this position are all these things. So why is it very difficult for you, in the executive, to allocate resources for implementation and maybe ending a political transition? That's why some Sudanese and observer think that the parties do not want to end the transition. So, what is the strategy? First of all, we want to end the transition. The current arrangement is really very difficult to even work in. Number one, number two, why is the executive failure? I can say the prioritization. You can feel that the agreement is not being prioritized. The critical aspects of the agreement, for example, let me draw an analogy. We are allocating barrels, if you like, carbons, for road infrastructures. Now, the agreement and the peace agreement is so critical. The road can wait for you to provide peace, and then peace will now bring you even more roads, not even, you know, one or two roads, you know, wait. Number one, let me finish. You were saying, what is the way forward? The way forward in the colleagues said something very, very important, that what would be different if you go for dialogue? The way forward is dialogue. We have to sit down, we have to address, but we have to honestly actually address the issues. We must discuss the resources. We must have an open discussion to know exactly what we have in this coming in as a government, how we are going to utilize it, what we will allocate for the implementation of the agreement. This is one area for discussion that needs to be discussed very openly and very clearly, and what will be allocated would be by law. We need to discuss why have we failed during the implementation? Was it just the resources or are there any other things? Yes, there are a number of other critical areas as well, that we also need to honestly discuss. Now, the third thing is, last time we agreed as parties, even the civil society, we brought them in later, we had to kind of convince them to come on board. During the discussion, they were not there. Now, people have lost trust because we did not fulfill as a party or as parties to the agreement who agreed on the roadmap. So, what will be different? What will be different? We believe that this discussion, we should really look at the forum, who should be included in this forum. Should it be a forum of the parties by themselves? Or do we need our grant us in this process? So, it's not a simple process. Honorable, just in one second before I come to Honorable Ball, just a follow-up question, you talk of resources allocation. Resource allocation, if my political science knowledge does not fail me in this area, lies solely in the hands of the executive. So, you saying that the question of prioritizing resource allocation to critical issues, especially with peace agreement, and allocate resources to non-critical issues at this particular time is the failure of the government. You have been sitting in the cabinet in the beginning of the agreement. You have been a cabinet member, you said in the cabinet meetings, other than few months that you were out of the cabinet, but you are now in. Why have you been failing to decide as a cabinet to allocate resource to critical issues? This is not about one person, it is about collective responsibility of the cabinet. Agreed. Agreed. Now, of a stellar minority. But you remember our position, when this budget went to Parliament, we raised two issues. The budget of 2023-2324, two issues. One is the increment of salary. Two is the allocation for election activities in provision. And you remember we worked out as an Iowa. So, we pushed. We said at least some percentage must be taken from the resources that are allocated for infrastructure to come to catering for election and also catering for salary increment. And you saw the fallout. So, we did make our case. We did try. We did not succeed. Thank you very much. Honorable Bol. Maybe I will give you two minutes before we break. And when we come back, we will add. You will have some more minutes. It is about resources. You say elections must happen. And if anything, then elections of the executive, that is the president's and the governor's elections must happen. You have not mentioned in the EU position paper, the local government, the commissioners and so forth. Now, with the question of resources, with the difficulties that we have, the prices in the market, people are going to stuff. And with the climate change, food security is the biggest issue. These things are showing the position of your position at the party. Do you think there will be a time or time is coming to retract? Because sometimes some things you may plan, but they may not happen as you plan in two minutes, please. Yes, in fact, in terms of resources, I think there has been a discussion that the people were going to make an additional budget. And the parliament, if they come back later on, they will evacuate, go around the issue. So I think this will make a budget. Yes, it will make a budget. That was said earlier on, the supplementary budget would be developed. And I think that summarizes the issue of resources. The details are there with the technical people. Yes. You see, what is surprising here is that, one, it is all with opposition that will say that we go for elections because they have the confidence of winning elections. But now it is the opposite. I don't know why we are not being put to this. You are all in the government. That's one. The other thing is that there will never, in this world, 100% conducive environment for elections. Even when in the US you can see how Trump stormed the White House. That's a country that has been there for ages. So we are not an island. We really need to learn from those mistakes so that we do our things very well. At this point, actually, it's not all the time we are one government, but they will still find hands at SLM. When we should be, say we, because any failure or success here is all about us. It's not about SLM or about one political party. But quickly, I want to say something. My colleague from the civil society mentioned one thing. He is not aware about the kind of federal system and what. And we are saying, this constitution making is a good thing. It can still continue, but we are using the interim constitution we have used already. This is the suggestion. It has the answers to this. And that's why it is important that we have now to ship our year to it's adjusting to something we work. Because something which is going on and on and on and on and it's keeping the status quo is keeping the people of South Sudan in a very basic region. Quickly, there have been examples. And usually, in fact, SLM goes for consensus. It was by consensus that we agree to have a government. And it can have MPs who are never legit elected from constituencies and their parliamentarians. That's a consensus. By consensus, we have five vice presidents. That was a consensus. By consensus, we were able to bring the 28 states to 10 states. That was a consensus. And we have a lot of consensus. That's exactly a measure of how much we love this country. That's the commitment. We are telling our colleagues today, we will say, we will work with you. We want to eliminate tendency of violence as a means to repair to, if you fail. Because the two ideas are that, if I don't get it here, I will get it back through these books and books. Honorable Bolbe, you will pick up from there when we come back from a break. We are going for two minutes or three minutes break. And our listeners, you will believe me that this is an interesting and informative discussion that is helpful to you. We appreciate your time. Stay tuned for the next session of this discussion. 101 FM. About the nation, across the nation. Radio, Miraya. [MUSIC] 101 FM. Radio, Miraya. Powered by the people. Uniting. 101 FM. Radio, Miraya. Powered by the people. Uniting the nation. Your preferred station. The voice of peace. [MUSIC] The round table. Informative. Fresh. And direct. What do the people of South Sudan want? They want just any government or they want a government that they feel will represent the kinds of things they need that will bring a sustainable peace. Here from the experts, policymakers and major stakeholders about trending national issues around you on the round table. Ideas are served. This is one. Allow me. Allow me. Join the experts as they discuss national issues and how they affect you. You don't want to go back to war. We don't want to go back to war. The round table every Saturday from 8 to 10 in the morning with a repeat on Sundays from 6 to 8 p.m. [MUSIC] [MUSIC] My name is Professor Yamal Biel Trudeau. I'm currently a professor in the U.S. and also in Ghana. A message to the women, particularly the young women, we definitely need to insert ourselves into these spaces that are talking about peace. And as much as our older, our mothers, they're in these spaces, we can learn from them and carry on. And so how do we use our new expertise that our mothers don't know about, right? They're still campaigning from mouth to mouth, but you can easily treat something. You can easily Instagram, Facebook. So how do we also support them in saying we have these tools, also utilize us and take us along, and for our mothers, mentor us. The doors that you're opening, don't close them, leave them open, crack them open so I can come in. 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SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH] [NON-ENGLISH SPEECH]